40 THE SATURDAY EVENING POST November 25,i9.39 CARBURETOR KAYWOODIE In this Kaywoodie pipe, called the Carburetor Kaywoodie, a wonderfully sweetsmoking pipe has been improved by the application of a neat little principle of physics. When you take a puff at one of these. Carburetor Kaywoodies, you automatically draw air in through a tiny inlet in the bottom of the bowl. That incoming air keeps the smoke cool and sweet and serene, no matter how belligerently you puff. In fact, the harder you puff, the more air comes in. That's why its called a Carburetor Kaywoodie. Your own pipe merchant will let you examine one: with a little urging on your part, he will even let you buy one. The urge: four dollars. Shown above, actual size No. 22. Other Kaywoodie Pipes Super Grain $5, Gale Kaywoodie $5 Flame Grain $10, Meerschaum-Briar $12.50 Matched Grain Sets $100 to $1,000 Among all pipes Kaywoodie was selected for the Westinghouse Time Capsule at the N. Y. World's Fair. KAYWOODIE COMPANY Rockefeller Center, New York and London COPR. 1939 RAYWOODIE COMPANY (Continued from Page 38) and her endeavor to "contribute to the welfare of the world." But, he added, she is fully prepared to oppose powers which refuse to co-operate. The next day the new premier said his cabinet would seek to restore Japanese-American relations to a "normal basis," but that at the same time Japan must complete preparations "against the worst eventuality," while attempting to ascertain the real intentions of the United States in terminating the 1911 trade treaty. Japan is exasperated. The European war seemed, at first glance, to have given her the opportunity of a century to achieve her long-desired hegemony of the Far East. But now she finds herself deterred and baffled and checked by the two things she fears most—the might of the American Navy in the Pacific, and the possibility of losing her vital trade with the United States. She must retain that trade at all costs. And she must not risk a collision with the American Navy. Yet, if she goes ahead and grabs everything she wants in the Far East, she will almost certainly risk trouble with our Navy. For a long time, through some curi- ions ratiocination of their own, the Japanese refused to recognize that Americans would be surprised and shocked at being nominated Japan's Enemy No. 1. Their state of mind in this respect made Ambassador Joseph C. Grew's blunt speech in Tokyo—the frankest any diplomat has made in Japan in recent years—a diplomatic necessity. When he said he spoke "straight from the horse's mouth," the ambassador brought home the facts about American resentment to Japanese who were ignorant of them. Military and diplomatic censorship had carefully kept the record of American protest from the civil population of Japan, to a large extent. But Ambassador Grew's tart reminder could not be hushed. Such a genuine shock was necessary. The immediate result of Ambassador Grew's speech was a great deal of talk about a "new understanding." 'Some of the newspapers in the United States, as well as some in Japan, told their readers that there would be "better relations" now. Japanese Foreign Minister Nomura courteously asked Mr. Grew to confer on steps. But at this writing Japan has taken no practical steps to change her course. Tokyo is launched on a mad ca- reer of conquest. For two years gaudy promises have kept up the courage of the Japanese at home. Japan has jockeyed herself into a position where it is almost necessary to have all or nothing. If she decides that the United States is the barrier to the coveted all, Japan is quite capable of provoking a war with us, just as an individual Japanese commits hara-kiri rather than confess to failure. Tokyo's Puppet Show With the commerce of much of Central Europe cut off by war, with England and France using their ships for war necessities, Japan could repair the losses of her China war by developing an enormous trade with South America, Australia, New Zealand. India, and by increasing her trade with the United States. If she turned her factories from producing war materials, she could readjust her economic position without the terrible jar that usually follows such a procedure after a nation has been engaged in a prolonged conflict. Japan could easily have peace with the Chinese government if she would offer anything like terms which would respect China's sovereignty and territorial integrity. But Japan is apparently rejecting such reasonable and profitable courses. At this writing she is going right ahead with her plans for putting Wang Ching-wei at the head of a new bogus Central Government of China. According to present plans, in spite of Wang's weakness as evidenced by recent disorders around Shanghai, Tokyo will accord formal recognition to that regime. Mr. Wang Ching-wei, under Japanese behindthe screen dictation, will announce his firm intention to abide by all the treaties and obligations which bound China before hostilities began on July 7, 1937. He will then seek recognition from the United States and from the major European powers. From America and from most of the other firstclass nations he will get no recognition. The next step, as in Manchukuo, will be adoption of the attitude that, since formal recognition is withheld, he is no longer held by treaties. He will solemnly announce the abrogation of this and that; he will try to abolish extraterritoriality; he will repudiate debts. No one in the world will imagine that he and his co-puppets are doing these things voluntarily. These, or some similar steps, will be Japan's methods of founding the absurdity called The New Order in East Asia. But the American Government has formally announced that it will not recognize any such New Order unilaterally established in the Far East. The Japanese today already consider this New Order as good as established, and declare that "Japan, Manchukuo and China, with a combined population of 600,000,000, are no longer to be denied their proper place in the world." Which is akin to whistling in the dark to keep your courage up, for no one, least of all the Japanese leaders, imagines that 450,000,000 Chinese are willing partners to such a coalition. And Manchukuo and Korea are not noted for their enthusiasm, either. Actually, Japan's position in China in the autumn of 1939 is worse than it was in October of 1938, just after the capture of Hankow. A year ago there seemed to be a strong possibility of an early disintegration of the Chinese government; today such a possibility seems unlikely. A year ago, the Japanese talked loudly of grandiose schemes of reconstruction. Companies were organized, on paper, with capital running into the hundreds and hundreds of millions. Vast railway-construction projects were touted, great systems of motor roads were to be built, hundreds of factories were projected for the coastal cities. Except for the building of a few factories downriver from Tientsin, none of these tremendous projects has been even begun. And this year's North China floods have ruined most of the Tientsin industrial plants. Instead of bringing prosperity to the occupied districts of China, the Japanese have increased the poverty already existing by attacking the Chinese national currency and by using military notes to buy the country's produce. The 'steady fall in all currencies in use in China has involved the Japanese yen, as well. Now it would take twice the capital in yen to carry out the development projects so grandly. dreamed a year ago. Communication remains deplorable, and the acute shortage of rolling stock has not been remedied. The so-called bandit-suppression campaign, which was supposed to have wiped out the Chinese guerrillas, has achieved little except the killing of tens of thousands of Chinese. Law, order and safety have not been restored in districts beyond the range of Japanese machine guns. Business has not revived. In China, Japan is making one very wise move which may help to bring about a markedly improved stability. For the first time since the hostilities began more than two years ago, Japan intends to have a unified China high command. Gen. Toshizo Nishio is trying desperately hard to unify the entire expeditionary force in China under his command, and his chief of staff is General Itagaki, who, until late August, was War Minister in the Hiranuma Cabinet. This development, it is hoped, will put an end to the jealousies and bickerings and differences of policy of the various district Japanese commanders. If General Nishio can enforce his authority and restore discipline, the army may become at last an instrument of Japanese policy in China, instead of being a law unto itself. Time to About.Face Under General Nishio, if the Japanese government will have the good sense to put an end to its anti-American campaign, independent army commanders will, presumably, not try to lay down the law in different Chinese cities as to how Americans there can live and work. If General Nishio is wise, he will not permit a resumption of the army campaign to drive out the British and the French, nor will he encourage Mr. Wang Ching-wei's government in its proposed policy of taking back all foreign concessions and settlements. Whether we like it or not, Americans would not be able to stay and live and work in China if the British and the French were driven out. This applies to missionaries and to educators as well as to oil-company representatives and bankers. The American Government is too well aware of Japan's ultimate design fo chive the white man out of Asia to sit idly by and see the British, French and other Europeans driven out. The better informed of the Japanese leaders realize that the abrogation of the 1911 trade treaty was the beginning of action, and that unless there is a change of policy on the part of Japan before January twenty-sixth of next year, more serious developments may ensue. These Japanese know that once the treaty is out, it might take years before a new treaty would be ratified, for it takes a two-thirds vote of the American Senate to ratify such a document. If senseless anti-American propaganda continues,.and leads to new attacks upon American interests, there would be such intensity of feeling on the part of the American public that ratification would be out of the question for a very long time. America has studiously remained scrupulously neutral during more than two years of the China-Japanese hostilities, even though American sympathies have been overwhelmingly on the side of the Chinese. This neutrality has been carried to the extent of continuing a trade in war materials and supplies with Japan. There is only one thing which would drive America to a reluctant abandonment of that neutral attitude. This would be deliberate and intolerable provocation on the part of Japan herself. Common sense should lead Japan to reverse her anti- American campaign.
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